Libmonster ID: RU-20281
Author(s) of the publication: Arusyak Aghababyan
Educational Institution \ Organization: Kuban State University (Krasnodar, Russia)

The article examines the religious revival in post-war Abkhazia, where "traditional religion" - the worship of sanctuaries - acquires the central place. Main supporters of this new myth of "traditional religion" are the government authorities of the self-proclaimed Republic of Abkhazia. The authorities deliberately regulate the religious field and promote what can be called a guided, controlled de-secularization. The idea that this "traditional religion" will become the officially recognized state religion of the Republic becomes increasingly popular. However, even without such an official recognition, the "traditional religion" dominates the field and prevails over its likely contenders, Christian Orthodoxy and Islam.

anykha, Keywords: Republic of Abkhazia, Council of Priests of Abkhazia, sanctuary, secularism, "traditional religion", Christianity, Islam.

Introduction

PEACEFUL and tolerant coexistence of Orthodox Christianity, Sunni Islam and the so-called " traditional Abkhazian beliefs "("Abkhazian paganism") is an idea that has become widespread in the Soviet Union.-

Работа выполнена в рамках проекта Transformation of Sacred Spaces, Pilgrimages and Conceptions of Hybridity in the Post-Soviet Caucasus (Research Grant of the Volkswagen Foundation "Between Europe and the Orient -A Focus on Research and Higher Education in/on Central Asia and the Caucasus", Friedrich Schiller University Jena, Germany).

Aghababyan A. "What do we believe in?" Vozrozhdenie "traditsionnoi religii" v postvoennoi Abkhazii [Revival of "traditional religion" in post-war Abkhazia]. 2016. N2. pp. 67-91.

Agababyan, Arusyak (2016) '"What Do We Believe?': Rebirth of 'Traditional Religion' in Post-War Abkhazia", Gosudarstuo, religiia, tserkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom 34(2): 67-91.

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temporary Abkhazia and supported by local authorities. The actualization and legitimation of these religions, represented in the form of veneration of common Abkhazian, rural / village and family sanctuaries, collectively referred to as a-nykha1, are becoming the most priority areas in the process of regulating confessional relations in the region. The reanimation of these cult practices began in the late 1980s against the background of changes and relaxation that started during the period of Perestroika and in anticipation of future socio-political changes. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Georgian-Abkhazian war of 1992-1993, the "traditional religion", thanks to support from above, finally comes out of the shadows and gradually begins to dominate not only in the religious sphere of life, but also in the general ideological context. These cults are one of the most important levers of communication and integration within the Abkhazian community. Holding prayers and participating in them becomes one of the main markers of the identity of Abkhazians, through which they express and defend their "Abkhazian identity" in the post-Soviet and post-war times.

The very concept of "traditional religion" actively penetrates the national tradition due to its constant use in the current academic literature, from which well-read Abkhazians who are interested in "their history and culture" draw knowledge. A number of authors present separate concepts under consideration.-

1. Periodically there are contradictions related to the interpretation of the meaning of the word a-nykha (hereinafter referred to as aniha). Originally translated into Russian, anykha means "icon", "shrine". See: Genko A. N. Abkhazian-Russian dictionary. Sukhum: Alashara, 1998. p. 190; Russian-Abkhazian dictionary / Edited by H. S. Bgazhba. Sukhumi: Alashara Publ., 1964, p. 251. The second meaning of the word is "sanctuary." Abkhazian-Russian dictionary: In 2 volumes / Comp. V. A. Kaslandziya. M.; Sukhum: OLMA-PRESS, 2005. Vol. II. P. 35. Of course, now the understanding of anykh as an "icon" in the folk tradition goes by the wayside and is replaced by the meaning of "sanctuary", which is partly facilitated by the use of the word itself as an integral component in the names of Abkhazian holy places: Ldzaa-nykha, Lykh-nykha, Aga-nykha, Leyaa-rnykha, etc. The final loss of the primary meaning occurred in the XX century, although at the beginning of the century, researchers of the issue noted that by one or another anykha is meant not just a sanctuary, but an "icon/image/shrine". Dzhanashia N. S. Articles on the ethnography of Abkhazia. Sukhumi: ABGOSIZDAT Publ., 1960; Chukbar A. I. Anan Ldzaanykh / / Employee of the Transcaucasian Mission. Sukhum, 1915. N8. pp. 119-120; Chursin G. F. Materials on the ethnography of Abkhazia. Sukhumi: Abkhazian State Publishing House, 1957. The tendency to level the meaning of "icon/image" also occurs in the scientific environment, see for more details: Bartsits R. M. Abkhazian religious syncretism in cult complexes and modern ritual practice. Moscow: RGTEU Publishing House, 2009; Krylov A. B. Religion and traditions of the Abkhazians. Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2001; Kuprava A. E. Voprosy traditional culture of Abkhazians. Sukhum, 2008.

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various variations are introduced to denote this phenomenon: "traditional / folk / autochthonous religion", "national ("our")religion Abkhazian faith", "faith in anykh", etc. Thus, by" traditional religion " some suggest understanding "an autochthonous religion that developed among the Abkhazians and other peoples of the Caucasus in the course of their historical development without the formative influence of world religions"2, while others, on the contrary, emphasize the pronounced syncretic nature of Abkhazian beliefs, taking into account the historical influence of Christianity and Islam3. Still others see the" traditional religion " of the Abkhazians as "a system of polytheistic beliefs that have a multi-layered character with a very numerous pantheon of deities and objects of sacred veneration"4. In the presence of the above constructed terminology and its interpretation, in any local case, the situation turns out to be much more complex and has its own peculiarities in the issues of the origin and functioning of cults, for understanding which it is necessary to understand in detail each of the available cases.

Another problem is the lack of expression of the confessional consciousness of the Abkhazian society. In everyday life, Abkhazians tend to explain their religious views not just from the position of the traditional character attributed to them ("national faith in sanctuaries"). Many of them tend to emphasize their detachment from official institutions of faith, expressed in the verbal formula "our pagan rites/pagan faith"5. At the same time, these same "pagans" can be Christians who have been baptized according to the Orthodox canon (belong to the Christian Abkhazian surnames) or Muslims (most often nominal, since Orthodox Muslims who observe the Orthodox faith of the Russian Orthodox Church).

2. Krylov A. B. Religion and traditions of Abkhazians. p. 51.

3. Bartsits R. M. Abkhazian religious syncretism in cult complexes and modern ritual practice.

4. Khotko B. S. Narodnaya vera abkhazov: traditsii i sovremennost ' (na primere svyattilishcha roda Ampar) [The people's faith of the Abkhazians: traditions and modernity (on the example of the sanctuary of the Ampar family)]. Series 1: Regional studies: philosophy, History, sociology, law, Political science, Cultural studies. 2012. N1. [http://www.cyberleranka.m/article/n/narodnaya-vera-abhazov-traditsii-i-sovremennost-na-primere- svyatilischa-roda-ampar, доступ от 20.04.2015]; Она же. Traditsionnaya vera v kul'ture sovremennykh abkhazov [Traditional faith in the culture of modern Abkhazians]. 2013. N5 (21). pp. 70-73.

5. PMA (author's field materials). Lidzava village, Gagra district of Abkhazia. 2012; Lidzava village, Gagra district of Abkhazia. 2013; Lykhny village, Gudauta district of Abkhazia. 2013.

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The prescriptions and dogmas of the faith are mainly Abkhazian repatriates, descendants of the Mahajirs who were evicted in the second half of the XIX century. to Ottoman Turkey) 6.

The fact that "traditional religion" is compared with "paganism", which is more of a Christian-theological concept, does not simply reflect the confessional preferences of Abkhazians. To be more precise, this is the result of religious colonialism carried out in the Caucasus in different periods of history. The imposition of the "true faith" as a fundamental tool for manipulating colonial politics eventually led to the following metamorphosis: once called "rebellious pagans", Abkhazians finally receive the much-desired independence and freedom (including the choice of religious identity) and voluntarily (!) take on the burden of "pagans" in order to permanently dissociate themselves from "strangers/enemies". Therefore, the term "pagan" now has not so much a religious connotation as it serves as a kind of social sign of otherness and protest in response to possible new attempts to force one or another "correct" religion.

6. Relations between Abkhazian returnees and their local relatives are rather tense. On the one hand, the descendants of the Mahajirs are certainly perceived as blood brothers, who by the will of fate in the past were separated "from the unified national Abkhazian body". To be an Abkhazian (the choice of ethnicity) / / Archeology and Ethnography of the Pontic-Caucasian region. Krasnodar: Kuban State University, 2013, issue 1, p. 103. On the other hand, any attempts by the latter to impose new models of behavior are met with discontent in the face of local Abkhazian residents. Against this background, clashes and open conflicts often occur (cases of murders of new arrivals have been recorded). Kuznetsova R. Sh., Kuznetsov I. V. Voina, mir i obshchestvo v abkhazskoi derevke Lidzava [War, peace and society in the Abkhazian village of Lidzava] / Edited by I. V. Kuznetsov. Krasnodar: LLC "RIFE", 2006. Issue 1 (7). N1-3 (March-September). pp. 99-100. As a result, many families of repatriates do not take root in the seemingly related society and again leave the territory of Abkhazia, often going back to the Middle East.

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Current religious situation in Abkhazia

Religion in Abkhazia

Map "Religion in Abkhazia". Leon Gunia / Sputnik ª (2015)

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It is generally accepted that the basis of the Abkhazian "traditional religion" is the veneration of seven all - Abkhaz shrines-Abzhnykha (along with anykha of other levels and the cult of the ritual blacksmith azhyir). Three of them are located on the territory of Bzyb (Western) Abkhazia: Ldzaa-nykha (Lidzava village, Gagra district), Lykh-nykha (Lykhny village, Gudauta district) and Dydripsh-nykha (Achandara village, Gudauta district). Two are located within Abzhui (Eastern) Abkhazia: Elyr-nykha (Ilori village, Ochamchir district) and Lash-kendar-nykha (near Tkvarchel town, Tkvarchel district). There is no consensus about the other two shrines either in oral or written traditions, although recently the names of the shrines of Pshu-nykha/Inal-Kuba (Pshu village, Sukhumi district) and Bitha (outside the borders of Abkhazia, in the territory of the modern city of Sochi, Krasnodar Territory)have often been mentioned in a similar status.

The priests of the Anikh monastery - keepers of holy sites and experts in the basics of local cult practice-are increasingly taking on a consolidating role in the current conditions (they receive the necessary knowledge from their predecessors or through personal observations). They have the right to conduct all ritual prayers in the sanctuaries. In Abkhazian, such people are called Characters with similar functions (found outside Abkhazia among Georgians (Tushins, Pshavs and Khevsurs, Svans), Adygs and Ossetians (Dzuars lorg/dzuarlag) and replace absent clergy (a kind of "self-taught monks"). As a rule, such a person becomes a well-respected old man in the community, who is known for his positive reputation, a person who is "pure in thought and deeds"8. The Abkhazian tradition recently speaks of the hereditary nature of the transfer of the priestly "title", i.e. the right of the priest to be a priest.-

7. Some researchers are inclined to translate (in Russian transcription - anykhapaayu) as "sons of the sanctuary" (Krylov A. B. Religion and traditions of the Abkhazians, p. 157), although the Abkhazian equivalent of the word "son" in the plural sounds different - (Genko A. N. Abkhazian-Russian dictionary, p. 194). According to others, anykhapaayu means "a person standing in front of a sanctuary" (Bartsits R. M. Abkhazian religious syncretism in cult complexes and modern ritual practice. P. 42). At the beginning of the XX century, the Abkhazian priest N. Ladaria, describing the Dydripsh-nykh sanctuary, used the same term, although in his translation it sounds like "acolyte of the icon". Ladaria N. Mountain Dudripsh / / Employee of the Transcaucasian mission. Sukhum, 1913. N1. P. 14. Two meanings at once - "priest" and "servant of the shrine" were given by Sh. D. Inal-Ipa. Inal-Ipa Sh. D. Abkhazians: Historical and ethnographic essays. Sukhumi: Alashara Publ., 1965, p. 551.

8. PMA. Lidzava village, Gagra district of Abkhazia. 2012. Informant M. K. Gochua, born in 1960

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the honor is assigned to individual surnames and their (branched Abkhazian lineage). This arrangement looks logical if the cult is a family one. But in almost all the common Abhaz shrines, the position of priest is assigned to certain surnames that position themselves as the original guardians of the shrine, although they are relatively recent. This is partly due to the centralization of the institution of the Abkhazian priesthood throughout the state.

The consolidation of the cult of sanctuaries causes dissatisfaction of the local Orthodox clergy, who are not yet able to become the leading guarantor of the religious unity of Abkhazians. The long - running dispute over the status of the Abkhazian Orthodox Church (hereinafter referred to as the APC) remains a stumbling block. Formally, the Armenian Apostolic Church is still under the jurisdiction of the Georgian Orthodox Church (the Diocese of Pitsunda and Sukhumi-Abkhazia is under the administration of Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia Ilia II). In fact, after the end of the armed conflict in 1993, Georgian priests were forced to leave the territory of Abkhazia, and the initiative in managing the affairs of the flock was taken by Abkhazian clergy. For the final approval of Abkhazia's independence from Georgia in the confessional sense, they had only to enlist the support of the Russian Orthodox Church (hereinafter - ROC). Since then, the clergy have constantly appealed to the Moscow Patriarchate with a proposal to allow the APC to become a self-governing diocese within its composition. A similar appeal was made back in 1997 by the first President of the SRA, V. G. Ardzinba, who sent a letter to Patriarch Alexy II.10 But up to the moment of writing this article, the Russian Orthodox Church continues to consider the Abkhazian Church as controlled by the Georgian side and does not risk taking responsibility for resolving the issue unilaterally. Be that as it may, in 2009 the clergy of Abkhazia announced their withdrawal from the Georgian Patriarchate and the creation of an independent Orthodox Church.

9. In the Georgian tradition, Bichvinta and Tskhumi - Abkhazian diocese

10. Letter of the President of the Republic of Armenia V. G. Ardzinba to the Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia Alexy II. Sukhum, January 6, 1997 / / Official website of the Holy Metropolis of Abkhazia. [http://www.anyha.org/v-g-ardzinba-isfquy-aleksi-ii-iaxj/, доступ от 7.05.2015].

11. This opinion has been held by the Russian Orthodox Church since 1943, when it recognized the independence of the Georgian Church. See: Dorotheos (Dbar), Hieromonk. A brief outline of the history of the Abkhazian Orthodox Church. Novy Afon: Publishing House of the Abkhazian Diocese "Stratophil", 2006. p. 17.

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Pitsunda-Sukhumi diocese, i.e. practically declared their own autocephaly. The current head of the unrecognized church, Priest Vissarion Apliaa, was appointed acting manager of the APC. The" canonical communion " of Abkhazian Christians with the Orthodox world is facilitated by the same ROC, which did not regard the actions of the AIC as separatist, concluding that there was no split in reality. But the Russian church authorities are still in no hurry to recognize the new religious structure.

At the same time, the already difficult situation is aggravated by the church schism within the Armenian Apostolic Church and the establishment in 2011 by "schismatics" of the unrecognized Holy Metropolis of Abkhazia (hereinafter - SMA; based in the monastery of St. Simon the Apostle Kananit, Novy Afon, Gudauta district). Prominent leaders of the movement for autocephaly were Archimandrite Dorofey (Dmitry), who was temporarily banned from serving by the Russian Orthodox Church Dbar and Hieromonk Andrey (Adgur) Ampar 12. Regardless of the regularly received prohibitions, the main "schismatic" Dorofey Dbar in 2012 announced a break with the Russian Orthodox Church and the transition to the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and together with his like-minded people continues to conduct church services (in Russian and Abkhazian) and teach theological activities. Under his leadership, a newspaper ("Christian Abkhazia")was published until December 201413, and since 2015 The archimandrite oversees the publication of the new religious and educational magazine "Alasharbaga" ("Lamp", the first issue was published in Istanbul). Attempts to eliminate the struggle within the APC are hindered by the unwillingness of both sides to make any contact to reach a compromise. Vissarion Apliaa, in a letter to President R. D. Khajimba, assured that the Armenian Apostolic Church will forgive and accept "false spirits" if they repent and give up their sins.-

12. Officially, both "schismatics" were ordained to the holy order by the Bishop of the Maykop and Adyghe Diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church, who, after the well-known events, several times by a corresponding decree (2011, 2012 and 2015) prohibited clerics from conducting church services. Unlike Dorofey Dbar, Andrey Ampar gradually withdrew from the schismatic movement and stopped public service in 2013, and in 2015 he finally completed his monastic activity and returned to his main profession (artist).

13. The formal reason for the closure of the newspaper was Vissarion Apliaa's appeal to the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Abkhazia, since the publication was registered in 2005 as a printed organ of the Abkhazian Diocese even before the schism occurred. "In order not to confirm another confrontation and not to aggravate the conflict, in December 2014, the Chairman of the Council of the UA, Archimandrite Dorofey (Dbar), officially notified the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Armenia about the termination of publication and returned the registration of "Christian Abkhazia" N12." Marchand G. Editor's column / / (Christian Abkhazia). Novy Afon, 2014. N12 (93). pp. 1-2.

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14. Turning to the authorities as a kind of arbitrator is seen by the clergy as the only possible way to overcome the conflict.

It seems that Abkhazian Orthodox clergy reach the maximum unanimity regarding the understanding of "traditional religion", especially the veneration of pan-Abkhazian anykhas. All of them repeat in unison that "the modern paganism of the Abkhazians is a distorted Christianity that requires some replenishment" 15. In their opinion, this form of Orthodox faith originates in the 17th century, when Christianity declined in Abkhazia. Real priests were eventually replaced by their unofficial successors, performing the functions of the former to the extent that they were competent in them - here we mean Abkhazian pagan priests. Defending the described version, Abkhazian churchmen include certain "traditional" holidays and prayers in the official church calendar, linking them to the Orthodox holiday cycle.16
As for the "colleagues" of the church servants, the priests of Anykh, in order to avoid an additional clash on this ground, they offer to respect each other's religious feelings and keep a distance, not forgetting that there is a dividing line between Orthodoxy and "their pagan faith". Moreover, the priests themselves admit that they often visit churches and do not give up their personal Christian background (many belong to old Orthodox families, were baptized at one time, and are related to some priests).17.

However, the strategies and behaviors of both sides in the context of the functioning of a particular holy site may differ.

In some cases, the parties prefer to maintain a relative "peace and order", not forgetting to focus each on its own interpretation of what is happening. So, by the way, the situation is with the cult of Lykh-nykh, which goes to the village of Lykhny on the territory of the famous

14. Letter of Priest Vissarion Apliaa to the President of the Republic of Abkhazia R. D. Khadzhimba. Sukhum, March 26, 2015 / / Website of the Abkhazian Orthodox Church. [http://www.aiasha.ru/orthodox_abkhazia/90/783/, accessed from 9.05.2015].

15. Dorotheos (Dbar), hieromonk. A brief outline of the history of the Abkhazian Orthodox Church. p. 12.

16. Ibid., pp. 23-24.

17. PMA. Lykhny village, Gudauta district of Abkhazia. 2013; Krylov A. B. Religion and traditions of Abkhazians. p. 149.

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churches of the Assumption of the Virgin. Priest Vissarion Apliaa and his colleagues in the spiritual service became frequent guests of the ceremony (the priest's prayer and the opening of the jug with "pure" wine) and participants in the ritual meal. According to priest Sergey Shakryl, only once did they have a serious quarrel with the "chief priest" on the subject of arranging the sacred space (installing a fence in the place where the jug is buried)18.

In other cases, on the contrary, the parties warm up the situation and provoke social tension, trying to zealously defend their exclusive rightness. The most discussed incident remains the one between the Orthodox clergy and the priesthood in 1998 at the opening of the reconstructed sanctuary of Elyr Nykh in the village of Ilori, located next to the Church of St. George the Victorious (more precisely, the territories of the holy places coincide)19. The decisive moment of conflict of interests was the implementation of the central element of the ritual complex-sacrifice within the boundaries of the church locus. The news of this, as might be expected, outraged the clergy (among them was Vissarion Apliaa), and the reaction was a direct ban. The conflict was temporarily resolved only after the intervention of the secular authorities headed by Prime Minister S. V. Bagapsh, whose representatives, together with the priests of other all-Abhaz shrines, were invited to the event 20. Similar cases involving Orthodox and Muslim clergy occurred during the general prayer at the Dydripsh-nykha sanctuary in Achandara 21.

Being very careful in their statements and actions, senior officials maneuver between all parties - the self-proclaimed Orthodox clergy," schismatics "and" traditional " priests. Of course, by acting as the main intermediary, the political elite is trying to maintain an already shaky balance in post-war society and please (as much as possible) potential allies from these opposing groups. Against this background, the decisions made by politicians sometimes look contradictory. In particular, in 2013, officials went to a dialogue with the leaders of the "schismatics" and gave the go-ahead for the legal registration of the SMA

18. PMA. Lykhny village, Gudauta district of Abkhazia. 2013. Informant S. M. Shakryl, born in 1938

19. For various reasons, Yelyr-nykha occupies a leading position in terms of the frequency of "skirmishes" that occur in the sacred zone compared to other Abkhazian shrines.

20. See for more details: Krylov A. B. Religion and traditions of the Abkhazians, pp. 147-149.

21. Ibid., pp. 146-147, 256-263.

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as a religious organization in accordance with the existing law 22. The step taken was evidence of the actual legalization of the movement for autocephaly of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

At the same time, all the same authorities, in tandem with representatives of the non-canonical APC, publicly defend the rights of the latter in a difficult "battle" for obtaining the long-awaited sovereignty from the Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC) and including the Pitsunda-Sukhumi diocese in the Russian Orthodox Church. The visit of the delegation to Patriarch Kirill in April 2015 was initiated by the deputies of the Abkhazian parliament and concerned the notorious issue of the status of the APC23. The head of the Russian Orthodox Church believes that in the future, the solution of the problem directly depends on the readiness of the population and on the settlement of the internal church situation in Abkhazia itself (elimination of the split). Once again, the Moscow Patriarchate has delicately hinted that it is limiting itself to the assistance it has provided so far, without promising anything more encouraging.

Finally, for the Abkhazian Church, any support from state structures is the most important experience for building positive dynamics of communication with potential flock. At the moment, the APC is stuck in a double conflict of interests that prevents it from enjoying authority among a significant part of the population (the"struggle inside" with the schismatic movement and the "external struggle" for autocephaly from the GOC and recognition of the ROC). In addition, for a long time in the minds of Abkhazians, Orthodoxy was clearly associated with the Georgian cultural world, as a way of subordinating the Abkhazian identity and a source of indirect pressure on the Abkhazian system of values.24 This fact still keeps the Abkhazian population from openly sympathizing with Orthodox Christianity ("not our" faith).

As for the representatives of the Muslim clergy, they prefer not to interfere in controversial issues of mutual interest.-

22. The Ministry of Justice of Abkhazia registered the Holy Metropolis of Abkhazia / / Website of the State Information Agency of the Republic of Abkhazia. 7-06.2013. [http://www.apsnypress.info/news/minyust-abkhazii-zaregistriroval-svyashchennuyu-mitropoliyu-a bkhazii-/?sphrase_id=5236, доступ от 16.05.2015].

23. The Russian Orthodox Church in the future may be ready to ordain a bishop of the Abkhazian Church / / Website of the public information portal of the Republic of Abkhazia. 3-04-2015. [http://www.aiaaira.com/news/society/russkaya_pravoslavnaya_tserkov_v_budushchem_mozhet_b yt_gotova_rukopolozhit_episkopa_abkhazskoy_tserk/, доступ от 26.04.2015].

24. See: Shnirelman V. A. Voiny pamyati: mifi, identichnost ' i politika v Zakavkazye [Wars of Memory: Myths, Identity and Politics in Transcaucasia], Moscow: IKTS Akademkniga, 2003, pp. 434-451.

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the relationship of their "colleagues", because they are busy with the problems of their own approval and overcoming the negative perception that has developed among local residents. If there is a Unified Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Abkhazia functioning since 2014 (before that, since 1999, the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Abkhazia) under the leadership of Salih (Stanislav) In general, Islam did not receive mass support among Abkhazians in the city of Kvaratskheliya, the Representative Office of the Council of Muftis of Russia and two active mosques (Sukhum and Gudauta). The main activity of clerics is focused mainly on repatriates-mahajirs and immigrants from various regions of the North Caucasus, positioning themselves as devout Muslims, for whom compliance with the dogmas of the faith is of paramount importance.

"Traditional religion" and power

The progressive strengthening of the position of "faith in anykh" is facilitated by the obvious, but not officially advertised, sympathy on the part of the authorities. This preference is reflected in the state symbols. Along with the white and green stripes depicted on the flag of the self-proclaimed Republic of Abkhazia (representing Christianity and Islam, respectively), it also features seven stars above the open right palm, symbolizing, among other things, all-Abkhazian holy places. At first glance, such symbols do not contradict the principle of equal rights of religions proclaimed in the Constitution. 25 Pluralism in the religious sphere of life was further consolidated by the law "On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Associations", which came into force on March 31, 2013. In this document, the authors did not forget to include, along with Christianity, Islam and other respected religions, the "monotheistic worldview of the Abkhazians" 26.

Moreover, on August 3, 2012, a new religious organization was created - the Council of Priests of Abkhazia (so far without proper registration). The Council was made up of priests from the seven shrines of vo gla-

25. The Constitution of the Republic of Abkhazia. Sukhum, November 26, 1994 / / Website of the President of the Republic of Abkhazia. [http://www.presidentofabkhazia.org/doc/const/, accessed from 3.05.2015].

26. By such a phrase "traditional religion", the drafters of the law understand "a system of religious views, canons and rituals that has been formed in the course of the long historical development of the people of Abkhazia", see: Law on Freedom of Conscience and Religious Associations. Sukhum, October 29, 2012 / / Website of the President of the Republic of Abkhazia. [http://www.presidentofabkhazia.org/doc/const/?PAGEN_1=2, доступ от 3.05.2015].

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We also met with the high priest Zaur Chichba, who was elected its chairman. Following all the formal requirements, the participants developed the charter of the organization. Members of Parliament, lawyers, scientists, local historians, writers and ordinary villagers agreed to help them in this responsible task. In turn, the Council leaders expressed their gratitude to the President of the Republic (A. Z. Ankvab) and members of the Government "who appreciated the historical role of the traditional Abkhazian religion".27.

The appearance of the organization can be interpreted in two ways: on the one hand, the establishment of the Council of Priests became another link in the actions of legalizing a number of institutions designed to effectively correct and eliminate the emerging domestic conflicts in society (the Council of Elders, the Council of Veterans of the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945, local Councils of War Veterans of 1992-199328). the fact that attempts to sanction "traditional religion" began precisely when the law "On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Associations"was being discussed in Parliament. Thus, the authorities 'unequivocal hints immediately found a response in the actions of the informal leaders of the "ancient religion".

Zaur Chichba, the chief of anykhapaayu, became the key figure setting the tone in the communication of the priesthood with the republican leadership. As a priest of the Dydripsh-nykh shrine, 29 he assumed the responsibility of a high priest acting on behalf of seven pan-Abhaz cults. The strengthening of Chichba's personality in this field, as well as the noticeably strengthened position of the sanctuary headed by him, began immediately after the end of the war and under the direct patronage of the first president V. G. Ardzinba. During the years of his presidency, he repeatedly visited Dydripsh-nykh during public prayers dedicated to the fate of the self-proclaimed republic. Subsequently, the only delegate from the Abkhazian priests, Zaur Chichba, was invited to the inauguration ceremony of Vladislav Ardzinba in 1999. In the presence of the heads of the Orthodox Church and the Muslim community of Ab-

27. The religious organization "Council of Priests of Abkhazia" was created in Abkhazia / / Website of the State Information Agency of the Republic of Abkhazia. 3.08.2012. [http://www.apsnypress.info/news/v-abkhazii-sozdana-religioznaya-organizatsiya-sovet-zhretsov-ab khazii/?sphrase_id=1029, доступ от 13.05.2015].

28. The Union of Veterans of the 1992-1993 Patriotic War of the People of Abkhazia, which existed until 2013, was transformed into a political party as a public movement.

29. The original name of the modern Dydripsh-nykh sanctuary is Anyps-nykh(a).

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khazii, he was the first to be given the floor to address the President with a congratulatory speech and blessing 30. It was then that, with a special vision for understanding the "people's Abkhazian faith", senior politicians launched a long-term project, which later received the official name "traditional religion" and was designed to inspire society to build an independent state with a focus on preserving the "endangered" national cultural heritage.

It is not surprising that the biographies of the majority of modern leaders of the country attest to the fact of veneration of the main shrines. 31 It is well known that such anikhas as Dydripsh-nykha, Lykh-nykha, Elyr-nykha were visited by the first President V. G. Ardzinba (1990/1994-2005), the second by the first President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, and the third by the Second President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, President S. V. Bagapsh (2005-2011) and the fourth President R. D. Khadzhimba (assumed office in 2014). In addition to the supreme power represented by the president and his staff, representatives of the local administrative and judicial branches of government become honorary guests at such events.

Vladislav Ardzinba still holds the record for visiting Abkhazian shrines among top political figures. During the 1990s and early 2000s, not a single national prayer service was held without his personal participation. Two events remained the most memorable in the people's memory: the thanksgiving prayer of sacrifice for providing protection in the victory over the "Georgian aggressors" (1993) and the public prayer for well-being in Abkhazia (2000).32 During the first ceremony, the president allegedly made a proposal to temporarily, until the situation in the post-war society stabilizes, abolish the imposition of curses in anykha33. This covenant is still observed only by the keepers of the Lykh-nykha shrine 34:

30. Krylov A. B. Religion and traditions of the Abkhazians. pp. 175-176.

31. According to the Constitution of Abkhazia, only an ethnic abkhaz can be President of the country.

32. Both prayers were sent to Dydripsh-nykha by the priest Zaur Chichba.

33. The imposition of curses is one of the popular functions among the population, which, along with their removal, is carried out in many all-Abhaz shrines. The reason for resorting to such actions are controversial conflict situations that have not been resolved legally before, or, on the contrary, when public disclosure of incidents is considered unacceptable, but "fair punishment" is required (murder, theft, adultery, rape, etc.).

34. Bartsits R. M. Abkhazian religious syncretism in cult complexes and modern ritual practice. p. 128.

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...But, however, the first president after the war, the first president, called all the priests and asked them not to take the oath here in the sanctuary. "Don't do it now after the war - it means. "You know everything about machine guns, they'll steal them, people won't have them, there's a trophy..." And so on. Horror [emotionally. - A. A.]. "God forbid people love each other," he says, " so that they don't... attacked... " Yes. So that's why he asked them: "If the power is like this, there's something between them, there, if you take it apart like this, then just accept it." And we in this connection, in this sanctuary right now do not take an oath to do, to come here. Temporarily. I can also open it today, but twenty years have passed, and we are still there, because we haven't run out of fuel yet.
Often, the presence of high-ranking guests forces priests to curtsy in their direction and change the usual course of sacred actions: to break the sequence, change the composition of the festive menu, i.e. to construct the ritual cycle anew. This is what a priest named Shakryl did during the annual prayer for Easter in the sanctuary of Lykh-nykh. In 2000, Ardzinba became the "culprit" for breaking the ritual. After the central prayer of the priest, he was given the floor, bypassing the elders of the clan 36. These and numerous other examples serve as strong evidence of the personal involvement of top state officials in the reconstruction of the "traditional religion".

In order to avoid the threat of conflicts and in order to maintain unity between the priests in the post-war period, universal prayers are practiced annually in one of the seven anikhas in the order of the observed queue. It is believed that the ritual action has an important ideological subtext: the thanksgiving prayer-a sacrifice for intercession and support in the Georgian-Abkhazian war-is designed to protect Abkhazia and its population from external enemies.37 Another episode is also interesting: according to some priests, the ritual tradition took root at the suggestion of Ardzinba, who considered it a natural duty of each abhaz to repay

35. PMA. Lykhny village, Gudauta district of Abkhazia. 2013. Informant S. M. Shakryl, born in 1938

36. Krylov A. B. Religion and traditions of Abkhazians. p. 291.

37. Krylov A. B. Sovremennaya religioznaya situatsiya [Modern religious situation] / / Abkhazians / Ed. by Yu. D. Anchabadze, Yu. G. Argun. Moscow: Nauka, 2012, p. 374.

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tribute to the higher powers for the opportunity to live under a peaceful sky 38.

The republic's leaders seem to sense the inconsistency of their project to instrumentalize religion. Sometimes they try to disguise their loyalty to the revival of the "ancestral faith" and more popularize the idea of religious tolerance reigning in society. The picture of what is happening is fully illustrated by the situation with the presidential inauguration ceremonies. As part of the re-swearing in of Sergey Bagapsh (re-elected in 2009 for a second term), the heads of the Christian and Muslim communities present among the guests, as well as the high priest, did not participate in the ceremony itself.

The inauguration of Bagapsh's successor, Alexander Ankvab (2011-2014), caused lively discussions on the Internet. The scandal discussed in the society concerned the exclusion of the following phrase from the text of the presidential oath:: "If I break this oath, let the curse of the people fall on me," i.e., the punishment of the holy anikhahs is meant.39 In addition, the situation was aggravated by the absence of all religious leaders who were not invited to the ceremony (only the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church Vissarion Apliaa came at his own request). Unlike the first two heads of state, the third president remained fundamentally aloof from questions of "traditional faith." 40 Many Abkhazians attribute Ankvab's behavior to his sympathies for Orthodox Christianity, which he professes. Speaking at the Second Russian-Abkhazian Humanitarian Forum in 2013, the President appealed to the Moscow Patriarchate to take the Armenian Apostolic Church under its jurisdiction and ordain an Abkhazian bishop. 41 Even earlier, in 2012, by his order, a large-scale reconstruction of the New Athos Monastery began, which was quite costly for the state budget.

The practical legitimation and institutionalization of Abkhazian beliefs gradually extends to the legal field, which is not hindered by both the law enforcement agencies themselves and you-

38. PMA. Lykhny village, Gudauta district of Abkhazia. 2013.

39. Sharia V. V. Offensive on the Archaic? // Echo of the Caucasus. 4.10.2011.

40. During the years of his leadership in Abkhazia, he never attended a single annual prayer service; an attempt to attend one in June 2013 was disrupted due to his employment. Lykhny village, Gudauta district of Abkhazia. 2013. Informant S. M. Shakryl, born in 1938

41. The President of Abkhazia took believers from Constantinople to Moscow. 24.05.2013.

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sixth-level instances 42. Purificatory oaths 43 in the sanctuaries are increasingly claimed to be an alternative form of justice, as they are considered to have a more effective effect on lawbreakers than legal punishment. In order to minimize the crime situation in the republic, the priests, together with the authorities, organize special sacrificial prayers every few years (for example, in 1996, 2000, 2013). The first initiator of the ritual with such educational motives was the Abkhazian leadership headed by President Ardzinba. After the latter's death, Priest Z. assumed these powers. Chichba.

The tradition of taking the cleansing oath as a way to justify serious charges has gained fame not only among ordinary Abkhazians. To combat corruption and crime in the highest echelons of power, members of the Council of Elders (who are also mostly members of the Council of Priests) called for officials to be tested for "conscientious service" by taking an oath in the sanctuaries. In their opinion, if the suspects can still somehow circumvent the law, then they will not be able to back down and deceive the "higher power" in any way. In fact, this happened during a corruption scandal in 2013, when four members of parliament (including the current president Raul Khajimba) swore an oath at the Dydripsh-nykh shrine as a sign of their non-involvement in the charges, as the priest of the holy place told the press.44 Through this source of constructed popular law, attempts were made to uncover the last sensational assassination attempt on President Ankvab in February 2012.45

Sometimes, at critical moments in the country's development, members of the Council of Priests try to integrate "traditional religious beliefs" into the political system of Abkhazia as a tool-

42. See for more details: Krylov A. B. Modern religious situation; Khotko B. S. Abkhazian sanctuary as a space for overcoming the conflict // Anthropology of conflict and Peace in the culture of the peoples of the South of Russia and the Caucasus: materials of the II All-Russian Scientific and Practical Conference / Nauch. Ed. by N. I. Bondar, A. I. Zudin. Krasnodar: Kniga Publ., 2014, pp. 62-67.

43. In fact, this is a kind of individual ritual prayer, which should publicly prove the guilt/innocence of the person accused of something.

44. Four deputies swore at the sanctuary of "Dydrypsh-nykha" in non-involvement in the corruption scandal in the parliament / / Website of the State Information Agency of the Republic of Abkhazia. 12.07.2013. [http://www.apsnypress.info/news/chetvero-deputatov-poklyalis-u-svyatilishcha-dydrypsh-nykha-v- neprichastnosti-k-korruptsionnomu-skan/?sphrase_id=5549, доступ от 21.05.2015].

45. Ibid.

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crisis management system. In an effort to draw the attention of the authorities to their vision of the unstable situation in society during the political crisis in the summer of 2014, the priests appealed to the Acting President with the initiative to hold a meeting in the village. Lykhny official prayer "to avoid any popular unrest in the run-up to and after the early presidential elections"46. Although the proposal was not implemented, it was immediately followed by a written appeal from the leaders of three organizations, including the Council of Priests, to the presidential candidates calling for the most fair conduct of the upcoming elections.47 Such actions are no longer news. A similar attempt to appeal to officials on the eve of the elections took place in August 2011. The custodians of Abkhazian shrines, who spoke on television, called on presidential candidates to take a public oath of allegiance to the people of u Dydripsh-nykh. However, even then the secular authorities tactfully made it clear that any attempts of the Abkhazian priesthood to encroach on political affairs would be stopped.

In the perception of Abkhazians, the function of social regulator assigned to" traditional religion"plays the same primary role as the function of national representation ("own religion "as a symbol of modern true" Abkhazia", originating from the glorious past). In other words, it is the "faith of our ancestors" that is called upon to save the Abkhazian people from direct physical disappearance and prevent the loss of their cultural and ethnic identity at extraordinary moments in history.

It was the" faith of the ancestors " that justified the hopes of the Abkhazians during the 1992-1993 armed conflict. This is confirmed by a whole series of ritual sacrifices conducted during the war years with a request to provide support in the defense of the motherland. It is noteworthy that they went not only to the most high-status, by today's standards, Dydripshny sanctuary-

46. Priests offer to hold a moleben in the village of Lykhny in order to avoid any popular unrest / / Website of the State Information Agency of the Republic of Abkhazia. 13.06.2014 [http://www.apsnypress.info/news/zhretsy-predlagayut-provesti-moleben-v-sele-lykhny-vo-izbezha nie-kakikh-libo-narodnykh-volneniy/, accessed from 14.05.2015].

47. See: Elders urge to hold elections "as respectfully and correctly as possible, in accordance with the electoral legislation and Apsuar requirements" // Website of the State Information Agency of the Republic of Abkhazia. 4.08.2014 [http://www.apsnypress.info/news/stareyshiny-prizyvayut-provesti-vybory-maksimalno-uvazhitelno -i-korrektno-v-sootvetstvii-s-vybornym-/, доступ от 19.05.2015].

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ha, but also in other pan-Abkhazian anykhas (for example, in the sanctuary of Ldzaa-nykha near Pitsunda)48. However, the supreme leadership attended only prayers in the village of Achandara (1989, 1992). The successful conclusion of this series in 1993 was the previously mentioned prayer-thanksgiving with the participation of political and religious leaders under the leadership of V. Ardzinba49.

In addition, the leading role of the "national faith" is aimed at achieving stabilization in various spheres of public life. Based on moral principles, it should help the population of the republic overcome the problems that have worsened in the post-war period (increased crime rate, drug addiction, road accidents, etc.). For example, in 2013, a prayer was held in Dydripsh-nykha in order to prevent the high mortality of young people in car accidents, as this phenomenon has become more widespread. features of a national disaster 50. In order to attract the attention of his fellow countrymen as much as possible, anykhapaayu Z. Chichba even recorded a brief video address of an edifying nature.51
Conclusion

Against the background of the general rhetoric of peace, equality and friendship of all faiths represented in the republic, the Abkhazian authorities skillfully use the situation and control the degree of presence of the "necessary" religion in the life of society. Promoting in every possible way the main postulate of secular neutrality-the separation of the religious sphere from the political one, the country's supreme leadership periodically intervenes in the field of the sacred to support the" traditional religion " of Abkhazians. The growing importance of "traditional religion" continued throughout the post-war period, and now Abkhazian society as a whole can no longer imagine its existence without a restored traditional component of culture. The sympathy shown by the top leaders for the "national faith" was expressed, in particular, in the creation of a number of organizations and the actual legalization of their activities on a state scale. As a result of-

48. PMA. Lidzava village, Gagra district of Abkhazia. 2013. Informant Z. S. Ampar, born in 1936

49. See: Bartsits R. M. Abkhazian religious syncretism in cult complexes and modern ritual practice, p. 120; Krylov A. B. Religion and traditions of the Abkhazians, p. 255.

50. Khotko B. S. Abkhazian sanctuary as a space for overcoming the conflict. p. 65.

51. Zaur Chichba: It remains only to address our shrines! // YouTube. 11.11.2013.

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tate relations are formed according to the following scheme: the ruling elite authorizes the "traditional religion", providing it with public and financial assistance (mainly for the restoration of sanctuaries), and the latter, in turn, through intermediaries-priests informally legitimizes the actions of the leaders of Abkhazia. An essential aspect of this dialogue is the regulation of the boundaries of "secular" and "religious". These borders may be mobile, but they are always preserved: attempts of any religious leaders and organizations to influence the political life of the republic in some cases are limited.

Vladislav Ardzinba, the first president of the self-proclaimed Republic, played a crucial role in reviving the "traditional religion". His figure is perceived by the population as a reference image of a national hero, a true abhaz, who won the long-awaited victory and independence from external enemies (Georgians). The high position of the president was not only due to the leadership position, which he held much longer than his successors; Ardzinba was a doctor of historical sciences, a recognized Orientalist-Hittite. According to popular beliefs, studying the past, he knew the whole truth about the "ancient Abkhazian heritage"like no one else. The coincidence of two statuses - political and scientific-formed the idea of the most" correct " democratic government, which is guided by the idea of restoring historical justice. It was Ardzinba, a connoisseur of "Abkhazianism", who was destined to preserve the traditionalism that was under threat of imaginary disappearance-an integral aspect of the young Abkhazian nationalism.

The religious revival has affected all faiths, but in the competition for the flock, the Abkhazian Orthodox Church, like the Muslim clergy, is losing out to the veneration of anikh. The reason for this is not only internal conflicts in Orthodoxy. The current situation is a reflection of the opposition "own religion" ("paganism"/"traditional religion") - "foreign/colonial religion" (correlates with Georgian and often Russian Orthodoxy), in which the state supports traditional beliefs, contributing to their revival and institutionalization.

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