Libmonster ID: RU-20330
Author(s) of the publication: N. P. Efremova

On December 13, 1890, in St. Petersburg, the police searched the apartment of Lieutenant Bartenev at No. 119 Kirillovskaya Street. They found Ekaterina Grigorievna Barteneva and her son Viktor 1 there . The son, seizing the moment, took some notes from the table and threw them into the oven. The police came to their senses when only a handful of ash remained from the papers. The gendarmes demanded to know what it was. "A notebook with poems by Ryleev, Ogarev and some other poets," Viktor replied. - I recorded them 3-4 years ago... I copied it from a manuscript that, I don't remember from whom, I took out for a while. " 2 The gendarmes were not interested in the poems of those who were no longer alive. They were looking for evidence of Barteneva's connection to the revolutionaries.

Reading through the archive documents today, you find all the new touches of her biography. The known seems to be revealed in a different light, if you look at it through the prism of the described police search. There is an opportunity to see how a short but intense duel between a revolutionary woman and the police unfolded. Among the documents found during the search was a manuscript that began with the words: "Only the first issue of Narodnoe Delo was published with Bakunin's participation." The manuscript was fragmentary: there was no beginning, no end. The police did not ask, however, whether the first part of the manuscript existed or where it went. More than 30 years later, the Leningrad historian I. S. Knizhnik-Vetrov received from Barteneva's youngest son pages entitled "The Story of one Childhood" 3: the Autobiography of Ekaterina Grigoryevna.

She told how she grew up in a poor noble family, having received a typical upbringing for that time; recalled the governess who gave her a good knowledge of foreign languages; vividly drew a way of life with contrasts of poverty and luxury; determined the importance of acquaintance in childhood with the life of serfs for the formation of her civic maturity. Thanks to the works of advanced writers, it adopted revolutionary and democratic ideals. Katya was not even 10 years old when, sitting with her family, she listened to the story of the serf actress told by A. I. Herzen in "The Magpie Thief". After getting acquainted with this novel, for her "everything that she liked up to that time turned pale" 4 .

For the girl, the democratic sympathies of her father were no secret, who recited by heart "Woe from Wit" by A. S. Griboyedov, Lermontov's "Demon", poems by K. F. Ryleev. Catherine's youth coincided with the time when N. G. Chernyshevsky's revolutionary and journalistic talent was revealed. For the rest of her life, according to a contemporary, for her "Chernyshevsky... he was an unquestionable authority. " 5 Family tradition shows that on the most important issues she consulted personally with Chernyshevsky. Unfortunately, there is no information about this in her manuscripts: "The story of a childhood" ends precisely at this stage of life. If the missing pages of her memoirs had survived to this day, they would have been an important document for understanding how Barteneva's worldview was formed and for establishing her connections in the revolutionary camp of the 1860s.

Who introduced Barteneva to the revolutionary youth? Who helped her emigrate during the late 60s reaction to the assassination attempt in Russia

1 TsGAOR USSR, f. 102, DP, 7-e d-vo, op. 187, d. 225, vol. 1, ll. 312, 312ob.

2 Ibid., l. 340.

3 Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public Library, manuscript department, building 3000, op. 94, 2.

4 Ibid., l. 83.

5 Byloye, 1921, N 16, p. 161.

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Alexander II student D. V. Karakozov? Who took her and her husband to Switzerland and helped them settle there? The manuscript is silent about this. The correspondence prepared by Barteneva for a certain publication does not clarify anything, although it confirms the political meaning of the trip abroad: "I did not go to admire the mountain peaks, not to enjoy nature - I was interested in people." 6
In the part of the memoirs that the gendarmes seized during the search, nothing was said about the revolutionary underground in Russia. They skimmed through the manuscript and never returned to it. And the gendarmes generally knew what Barteneva said about her emigration. Nor was it a secret to them that the circle of people persecuted by tsardom gathered in Geneva at that time: N. I. Utin, a former member of the underground revolutionary organization Zemlya i Volya in the 60s and who lived in Geneva with his wife N. I. Corsini, his associate in the student movement; A.D. Trusov, a member of the underground revolutionary organization Zemlya i Volya in the 1960s. the Polish uprising of 1863; E. L. Tomanovskaya - nee Kusheleva, who entered into a fictitious marriage in order to get a passport and go abroad to join the revolutionary emigration.

Ekaterina Grigorievna became one of the organizers of the free Russian press in Geneva. From that moment on, all her activities were reflected primarily in journalism. It is this aspect of the case that we will focus on below, since it has not yet attracted special attention from researchers .7 A representative of the generation that was awakened by the tocsin of Herzen's "Bell" and brought up on the works of V. G. Belinsky, D. I. Pisarev, N. A. Dobrolyubov and N. G. Chernyshevsky, Ekaterina Grigoryevna felt a craving for the free printed word and understood the importance of the underground press for Russia. In Geneva, she still found alive A. A. Serno-Solovyevich, a talented revolutionary, heir to the Herzen and Chernyshevsky case. In the ranks of the emigration and among the Geneva workers, he was valued as an outstanding organizer and outstanding publicist. His Geneva comrades wrote that he wanted to combine the efforts of emigration with the struggle of "friends-propagandists in Russia", and if this was not done to the end, then in many ways " because of... lack of material and authorial forces to create an independent body " 8 . The Russian emigration came to the conclusion that success was not achieved, in particular, by insufficiently developed propaganda. 9 This prompted Utin's group to look for a printed platform that would appeal to the revolutionary underground at home, weakened by the repressions, but still holding out and gathering new forces.

At that time, M. A. Bakunin started publishing the journal Narodnoe Delo in Geneva. He called on the Russian youth to "give themselves up completely to the constant, non-stop, relentless, crescendo of destruction until nothing of the existing social forms remains." 10 It would be in vain, however, to look for positive tasks in his program. This inferiority of Bakuninism was quickly felt by the emigrants led by Utin. They looked not only back, where Bakunin saw the peasant with a club as the main figure, but also turned their eyes to the working-class movement of Western countries, and got acquainted with the ideas of Karl Marx and Fr. Engels. There is a version according to which Barteneva at the beginning of her stay abroad collaborated with Bakunin and shared his views. It is interesting, however, that Bakunin himself denied this. Offended that Utin did not invite him to the meetings of his group, Bakunin made various guesses about this and accused everyone, with the exception of V. I. Bartenev, of "ingratitude", because he did not know him personally .11 It can be assumed that Ekaterina Grigoryevna did not know Bakunin either. In any case, there is no direct evidence of their cooperation in the materials available to us.

6 GPB, Archive of the Plekhanov House, f. 352, op. 1, 345, ll. 1-2.

7 For general data on Barteneva's biography, see: Knizhki k Vetrov I. S. Russkie deyatelnitsy Pervogo Internatsionala i Parizhskoi Kommuny [Russian deyatelnitsy of the First International and Paris Commune], Moscow, 1964. Let us recall only a few facts: the founder, together with Utin, of the Russian Section of the First International; an employee of Otechestvennye Zapiski; a propagandist on behalf of the Marxist group of M. I. Brusnev; a friend of A. I., V. I. and O. I. Ulyanov; secretary of the First Congress of the Second International.

8 Narodnoe delo, 1869, N 7-10, p. 110.

9 Ibid., pp. 130-131.

10 Bakunin M. Rechi i vozvaniya [Speeches and Appeals], St. Petersburg, 1906, p. 249.

11 M. A. Bakunin's Letters to A. I. Herzen and N. P. Ogarev, St. Petersburg, 1906, p. 329.

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In the same years, a "secret war" with the Russian police began for Barteneva. Gendarme agents tracked her down in St. Petersburg, where she came to consult with members of revolutionary circles about the distribution in Russia of a publication that was supposed to be published in Geneva. 12 It was about the "People's Cause". In its editorial office, Utyan managed to seize the initiative from Bakunin, and from No. 2 the publication became an expression of revolutionary-democratic ideas in the spirit of Chernyshevsky, and in some respects even moved to the position of scientific socialism .13 The tsarist Okhrana, however, could not bring charges against Barteneva as the author of revolutionary articles: the materials in Narodnoye Delo were published without signatures. In practice, most of the publications can be argued that they belonged to either Utin or Barteneva. Trusov served as the editorial secretary, did a lot of organizational work, and if necessary, helped the printing house type text, since he had previously studied printing in Paris.

One of the members of Utin's group, O. S. Levashova, who did not show herself at all as a publicist in any publication, falls out of the list of authors of Narodnoe Delo. The same applies to V. I. Bartenev. E. L. Tomanovskaya's oratorical talent prevailed, she was just beginning to write at that time, and only the pages of collectively compiled proclamations from the time of the Paris Commune of 1871 are known from her printed works. There is no mention of collaboration in any print media and Corsini. As for Utin, he began his revolutionary journalistic activities in the early 60s under the leadership of Chernyshevsky. It is known that Utin published leaflets on behalf of Zemlya I Volya [14]and spoke on the pages of Nekrasov's Sovremennik . Judging by the style of presentation, Utin's Narodny Delo includes the report on the Basel Congress of the First International and the article "Russian Social-Revolutionary Cause and its Relation to the Working-class Movement in the West." 15
The editorial board of Narodnoe Delo wanted the publication to be accessible in terms of content to a wide range of diverse readers with a predominance of young people who are not sufficiently prepared theoretically. In most cases, this was achieved precisely thanks to Barteneva. Comparing her already well-known publications with the correspondence of Narodnoe Delo, it is easy to conclude that she wrote an article on the role of the International in the development of the strike movement .16 It is also possible that Ekaterina Grigorievna was the author of materials that raised the question of the relationship between revolutionary action and theory. Narodnoe Delo warned the youth against relapses of nihilism and ignorance, for it could never serve the cause of the liberation of the people, and called on its comrades-in-arms to study the theory of the revolutionary struggle, to master the history of the revolutionary movement in Russia and other countries, and to better understand the interests of the people, for "no revolutionary action apart from the people and without the people is unthinkable." 17 "We are nothing in ourselves outside the people," the magazine's publishers wrote, "but in alliance with the people we are a force, and in their ranks we are an unbreakable force that will break the existing system." 18 The study of history is necessary because it "makes us experience other people's fraternal experience." 19 These constant appeals of the editorial staff to young people are not accidental: the revolutionary generation of the 60s was replaced by a new growth, the future narodniks. It should be noted that Narodnoe Delo's articles invariably show a certain distance separating the authors from their younger colleagues - another sign that the articles belong to those who were already over 30, i.e. Utin and Barteneva.

After the above-mentioned search, Barteneva had to write an explanatory note addressed to the director of the Police Department P. N. Durnovo 20 . Already applied

12 TsGAOR USSR, f. DP, III department, 1889, d. 726, l. 1ob.

13 For more information, see: Logachev G. V. Philosophical and socio-political positions of the Russian section of the 1st International. Voronezh. 1969.

14 Panteleev L. F. Memoirs, Moscow, 1958, pp. 310-311.

15 Narodnoe delo, 1869, N 7-10, pp. 112, 127.

This issue, however, is still controversial.

17 Narodnoe delo, 1869, N 3, p, 3.

18 Ibid., N 4-6, p. B8.

19 Ibid., p. 64.

20 GPB, Archive of the Plekhanov House, f. 352, op. 1, 445, ll. 1-10.

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attention is drawn to the fact that Barteneva pointed out to the police in 1869 as the beginning of her literary activity. But no direct works of Barteneva for this year could not be found 21 . It remains to be assumed that she meant her anonymous participation in the"People's Cause". Of course, Ekaterina Grigorievna did not want to lead Durnovo to the idea of her work in Narodnoye Delo. If she had to specify in which publications she was published then, she could name, for example, the newspaper "Nedelya", published by a well-known social activist, a champion of women's equality E. I. Conradi. Barteneva met her in the days of her arrival from Geneva to St. Petersburg. Barteneva was seen in the editorial office of Conradi and heard that she explained her visit by the desire to transmit articles for publication, and referring to the difficult financial situation.

What Barteneva did not know was that the Police Department's archive contained a certificate indicating a different purpose for her stay in St. Petersburg: she and Levashova were "suspected of setting up a section of an International society here." 22 They were suspected, but had no direct evidence. The gendarmes handed over the report to the archive 23 . Meanwhile, the police report was an echo of reality. In 1870, the Russian revolutionary group in Geneva received the consent of the General Council of the First International to accept it as a section of the International Workers ' Association. Narodnoe Delo became essentially the organ of this section and declared that its aim was "to link firmly with the social-revolutionary movement in Western Europe the movement that is beginning... in Russia " 25 . Here Utin and Barteneva acted as successors of the idea of Herzen and Ogarev, who in 1867 in the French edition of Kolokola set out to analyze the correlation of the Russian liberation struggle with the socialist trends and the labor movement in Europe .26 How this goal was achieved in practice is known from special studies27 .

In the struggle that unfolded, Barteneva chose a combination of illegal work with the possibilities of an open press. She managed to publish a series of articles in the newspaper Nedelya about the working-class movement in Switzerland and the development of the International28 . These articles have not yet attracted serious attention from researchers. And they are remarkable in that they show a kind of ideological maturity of Barteneva and the growth of her journalistic skill. If in the first issues of Narodnoe Delo the term " proletariat "was used to refer to the poor categories of workers, then in the articles of Ekaterina Grigoryevna on the pages of" Nedelya "its working specifics and class ability to act not only in the name of its own interests, but also for the general liberation of workers, the ability to solve"the problems of the whole of humanity" are already emphasized; the dictatorship of the proletariat will hasten the triumph of society, which can be said to "strive to become a people without dividing it into classes." 29 Barteneva's formulations are not always accurate, but her articles are already faithful to the spirit of scientific socialism. Very few Russian revolutionaries were able to achieve this then. The gendarmes could not find Barteneva's name on the pages of Nedelya either: the articles were published without a signature, and her authorship became known only in 1914 .30
21 Hard labor and exile, 1929, N 11, p. 47.

22 TsGAOR USSR, f. DP, III department, 3rd exp., 1876, d. 193, l.10ob.

23 The lack of accurate data on this subject led to the fact that for some time Soviet historians considered it controversial whether the Utin group and then the Russian Section of the First International had any connections with the revolutionary underground in Russia. (Kozmin B. Russian Section of the First International, Moscow, 1957, pp. 226-227). Subsequently, new materials were introduced into scientific circulation, clarifying the scope of these connections (B. S. Itenberg, First International and Revolutionary Russia, Moscow, 1964).

24 K. Marx, F. Engels and Revolutionary Russia, Moscow, 1967, p. 170.

25 Narodnoe delo, 1870, No. 1, p. 3.

26 Rudnitskaya E. L. French "Kolokol" by A. I. Herzen and N. P. Ogarev. - Voprosy istorii, 1981, N 7, p. 16 sl.

27 Itenberg B. S. Uk. op.

28 Week. SPb. 1870. NN 28-35.

29 Ibid., No. 28, p. 937.

30 See Barteneva's obituary (Day 31. VIII. 1914).

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To partially lull the vigilance of censorship, Ekaterina Grigorievna used the traditional genre - reviews of new books. Once, she chose the book "The Fourth Estate, or the Proletariat" as the reason for her appeal to readers .31 The book had appeared in print almost three years earlier, and there was little point in familiarizing the public with its contents, but the attentive reader could find something significant for himself under this "cover": the author, starting from certain provisions of the reviewed publication, thoroughly expounded his views on the class essence of the proletariat, its historical role and significance I International. In contrast to all the references to the International that have appeared in the Russian press since the late 60s, Barteneva developed a picture of the content of the work, goals and organizational structure of the International Workers ' Association, showing that it is not a conspiratorial sect, but an organization of the proletariat itself, which most fully expresses the interests of all working people .32 On the side of the proletariat are the sympathies of the advanced intelligentsia, but they do not play the main role in the movement: it is "the workers who make up the leaven" that arouses the activity of other strata of the population .33 With the International, workers ' unity entered a "new phase," for under its banner the workers of all countries gathered, without distinction of profession or nationality.

The author also dwelt in detail on the tasks of the sections of the International as the primary cells of an international organization. Such a description was not only informative for Russian readers: it was instructive information. It served the revolutionary forces of Russia, which sought to unite both domestically and internationally. The International, Ekaterina Grigorievna wrote, has up to 2 million workers; "such rapid growth undoubtedly proves the extraordinary strength and vitality of the principles underlying the association, the fitness for the moment recognized by all." 34 This text of her fifth article in the newspaper was most openly agitational in nature. Apparently, he alerted the censors, and the publication of new articles was suspended. Although the editors put a note that the continuation should be continued, it did not appear (not through the author's fault).

When the gendarmes searched Barteneva's apartment in 1890, these events of 20 years ago hardly interested them. Nevertheless, the police officers had a certificate that read:: "Barteneva, in a community with several individuals, takes part in the publication of a weekly leaflet,.. in which he publishes biased articles about the intellectual movement both in Russia and in Europe. " 35 The police department set out to obtain a copy of the leaflet as evidence against Barteneva, but to no avail. But the post office intercepted Barteneva's correspondence, which told about student riots in Moscow and St. Petersburg. The correspondence was accompanied by a letter from Barteneva addressed to an employee of the Hungarian newspaper "Pester Lloyd" Pataki with a request to publish the material. "Both documents," the police report read, "strongly condemn the course of action of our Government and the measures taken to suppress the riots." 36
Barteneva had to write an explanation. "My work in the foreign press," she reported, " which began with translations into French of Russian exemplary writers, was caused by necessity, namely, by the extreme reduction of my previously considerable earnings... Caring for my family was the main motivation that led me to engage in literary work. " 37 Then she allowed herself a scathing summary: since "the censorship conditions in France and the Austrian Empire are more favorable than in our country, my correspondence may seem somewhat harsh in its form in Russia, although it is incomparably more moderate than what is allowed in the foreign press." 38 Along with an explanatory note in her file, there is a certificate of

31 Nedelya, 1870, N 28, pp. 936-939.

32 Ibid., No. 35, p. 1156.

33 Ibid., p. 937.

34 Ibid., p. 1155.

35 TsGAOR USSR, f. DP, III department, 1889, 726, l. 10.

36 TsGIA USSR, f. 1405, op, 92, d. 10870, l. 30.

37 GPB, Archive of the Plekhanov House, f. 352, op. 1, 445, l. 3.

38 Ibid., l. 2.

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the fact that the land inherited by her in several provinces, Barteneva distributed to the peasants. After the fall of serfdom, Ekaterina Grigoryevna really gave the land to the peasants. At the same time, surveillance increased, and she was even denied a passport to travel abroad .39
The gendarmes were interested in the business card of the American J. R. R. Tolkien found during the search. Kennan. The government regarded the book of this famous traveler "Siberia and Exile "as a revolutionary attack. 40 After its publication, the author reported to friends that it caused a flood of letters "expressing sympathy for the Russian revolutionaries and contempt for the tsarist government." 41 This prompted Kennan to carry out the publication of materials that came to him from Russia, and he "worked hard... for the cause of Russian freedom " 42 . What was the connection here with Barteneva? Responding to the gendarmes, Ekaterina Grigorievna turned to her pedigree and wrote:: "Business card of J. R. R. Tolkien. Kennan is staying with me because he paid me a visit, I think, in 1885, when he returned from a trip from Siberia, where he was told that I kept the memoirs of my grandfather Semyon Bogdanovich Bronevsky, the former governor-General of Eastern Siberia. I didn't have the manuscript. " 43 It remained a secret to the Okhrana that Kennan received materials denouncing tsarism through Barteneva .44
During the search, Barteneva was also found to have a record concerning the Narodnaya Volya group of A. I. Ulyanov and his comrades. Alexander Ilyich was no longer alive, but in Barteneva's papers they found a drawing of an "explosive shell". "As far as I can remember," the landlady said, "there were no written explanations in the drawing I made," but "handwriting... unknown to me " 45 . When asked who gave her the blueprint, she said she couldn't remember.

Meanwhile, the acquaintance of A. I. Ulyanov with Barteneva was confirmed by such an authoritative witness as A. I. Ulyanova. She also wrote in the same place :" My husband, Mark Timofeyevich, visited Ekaterina Grigoryevna herself. " 46 As you know, M. T. Yelizarov and A. I. Ulyanov were close friends.

During the interrogation, the most difficult thing for Barteneva was to evade the charges in connection with the Narodnaya Volya circle in Paris47 . Ekaterina Grigorievna explained that in 1889 she went to Paris, having received the consent of the editorial board of the newspaper "Novosti" to publish materials about the exhibition. The newspaper was edited by O. K. Notovich, who said that Novosti was becoming a desktop publication for "every intelligent Russian person." 48 Barteneva already had experience working for this newspaper, where since the end of the 70s, she was engaged in translations and kept a foreign political chronicle. In addition, she insured herself on another side: she conducted translation work related to the organization of the Russian department of the exhibition, which was provided to her by E. N. Andreev49 , who did much for the development of professional education in Russia, founded the first special schools for workers and several technical schools. Sending correspondence from the exhibition, Barteneva skillfully wrote about the proletarians. Speaking about the grand opening of the exhibition, she drew readers 'attention to the fact that various workers' societies and associations took part in it, and emphasized the importance of organized actions of the proletariat. 50
In those days, Ekaterina Grigoryevna visited the heroine of the Commune L. Michel 51, but she was able to publish a story about meeting her only a few years later under a pseudonym-

39 TsGIA OF the USSR, f. 1405, op. 92, d. 10870, l. 3ob.

40 For more information, see Melamed E. I. George Kennan against Tsarism, Moscow, 1981.

41 Stepnyak-Kravchinsky S. M. In London Emigration, Moscow, 1968, p. 228

42 Ibid., p. 227.

43 TsGAOR USSR, f. 102, DP, 7-e d-vo, 1899, d. 225, vol. 1, ll. 305, 309.

44 Hard labor and Exile, 1929, N 11, p. 49.

45 TsGAOR USSR, f. 102, DP, 7-e d-vo, op. 187, d. 725, l. 272.

46 Photocopy of a letter dated 26. X. 1929 in the archive file of I. S. Knizhnik-Vetrov (GPB. Archive of the Plekhanov House, f. 352, op 1, d. 1973).

47 TsGIA OF the USSR, f. 1405, op. 92, d. 10870, l. 3.

48 Rusachev N. S. Na rodine, 1859-1882. M. 1931, p. 176-177.

49 TsGAOR USSR, f. 102, DP. 1889, d. 725, ll. 272, 272ob.

50 Novosti, 1889, N 180, p. 1.

51 Hard labor and Exile, 1929, N 11, p. 45.

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iom, the content of their conversation was transmitted on behalf of an American journalist 52 . In the genre of travelogues, Barteneva conveyed to Russian readers the experience of the struggle of the French proletariat. Under the vivid impression of contacts with participants and eyewitnesses of the Commune, another essay was written-about a newspaper saleswoman who, every year on the day of the death of the last defenders of the Commune, came to the cemetery of Pere Lachaise to honor the memory of her son and his comrades .53 Barteneva's materials also dealt with the International Women's Congress held in Paris, disputes about the purpose of women and the struggle for their equal rights .54 The main thing that interested Barteneva in Paris at that time was the First Congress of the Second International. A year later, one of the main charges against Barteneva gendarme was her participation in the Atom Congress. She replied: "It seems to me that the very fact that I was openly present at the congress, in a room crowded with people who might have included our police agents, sufficiently proves that I had no reason to hide. Correspondents of various European newspapers, not excluding our "St. Petersburg" 55, were sitting near the stage.

Barteneva did not return from Paris empty-handed: she had provided herself with materials from the congress, newspapers covering its meetings and the working-class movement in general. She knew that at the border she would have to present her luggage to the gendarmes. Even when Ekaterina Grigorievna left Russia, the Police Department sent out instructions to all border checkpoints to "conduct a thorough search" of her belongings when Barteneva returned .56 They searched it thoroughly, but did not find any "illegality". Nevertheless, in those days the gendarmes got their hands on one piece of evidence: Ekaterina Grigoryevna sent her husband a letter from Paris in which she openly stated her intention to cooperate in the foreign workers ' press; she wrote that in Paris she was invited to a meeting of journalists, where she revealed her true beliefs to foreign comrades. The Hungarian socialists invited her to collaborate in their publications. Under the impression of this news, she inadvertently reported in a letter: "After all the ordeals of the Notovichi and so on. I couldn't believe my ears when I was offered human labor, not torture; I just can't remember myself from the joy of writing as I want. " 57 After returning to St. Petersburg, she began to send correspondence to foreign publications of a radical direction. Her last correspondence was published in the days when her case was already being investigated in St. Petersburg.

The police also had information about her participation in the meetings of the Socialist Congress: she was entrusted to be a member of the secretariat. She explained it to the gendarmes as follows: they asked her to take up secretarial work, because they knew that she spoke foreign languages well, and she did not refuse to get materials for publication in Novosti. Her real role at the congress consisted in the fact that she was considered a delegate from the Russian workers: this was mentioned in the newspapers, but the names of those who sent her to the gendarmes were not known. Barteneva did not name anyone: "I was not a delegate from the working group in Russia at the congress. But I received in Paris a statement from the Russian working group expressing its desire to express sympathy with the efforts of the Western workers to improve the material life and moral standard of the working class. This statement was forwarded by me to the Bureau of the Congress to one of the secretaries, Mr. Lafargue, who suggested that I, as a person more familiar with the situation in Russia, share with him the representation of a working group that I did not know. And since I could not name the locality from which the credentials were sent, the Russian emigrants refused to approve the credentials of a person unknown to them." 58
Only later was it clarified exactly how Ekaterina Grigorievna participated in the work of the congress. V. S. Golubev, a member of the Brusnev group, reported :" I knew that a Russian socialist writer, E. G. Barteneva, was going to Paris for this congress. In a conversation with her about this congress, we had the idea to send greetings.-

52 Russkoe bogatstvo, 1893, No. 8, pp. 140-141.

53 Ibid., No. 5, pp. 58-60.

54 Novosti, 1889, N 193, p. 2.

55 GPB, Archive of the Plekhanov House, f. 352, op. 1, 445, l. 8.

56 TsGAOR USSR, f. 102, DP, III department, op. 85, d. 211, ll. 4-4ob.

57 Ibid., 7-e d-vo, 1890, d. 225, vol. 1, l. 241.

58 Hard labor and exile, 1929, N 11, p. 53.

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This is also true of the Russian workers. I reported this to some of the workers I knew, who were very sympathetic to the idea." 59 The proposal was approved, they began to think about sending a delegate, but there were difficulties: the lack of necessary funds and the possibility of arrest of the delegate on the way back. In this regard, Barteneva had an intention to go to Paris herself.

After the congress, Barteneva's ties with the St. Petersburg workers grew stronger. There is evidence that she kept the cash register of the Brusnevskaya organization in her apartment, to which monetary contributions from 60 workers flowed . What were the paths that led it to workers ' organizations? This is partly clear from the biography of her eldest son Viktor, who also became a revolutionary. When Narodnaya Volya assassinated Alexander II on March 1, 1881, he was studying at a gymnasium. As I grew up ,I realized how tragic it was that a handful of selfless fighters were separated from the people for whom they sacrificed their lives. 61 In 1885, Bartenev entered St. Petersburg University and became interested in studying social problems. The Bartenevs ' apartment hosted readings of forbidden literature, 62 and at the same time Viktor participated in a circle where he met A. I. Ulyanov .63 Ulyanov's comrades had connections with the workers of the Brusnev organization , 64 and Brusnev said that Viktor "was a useful person in the circle activities" 65, helped the workers ' organization , and "attracted intellectuals from the numerous student circles in which he moved" 66 . From the provocateurs, the police learned that Bartenev was conducting propaganda among the workers, hiding under the name of Isagin 67 .

In 1891. Ekaterina Grigorievna helped the workers meet with the seriously ill leading writer P. V. Shelgunov to present him with a welcome address 68 . When Shelgunov died, hundreds of workers and students turned out for his funeral, turning it into a political demonstration. Viktor 69 also participated in it . The gendarmes called him one of the" chief horse breeders " along with the Krasin brothers. 70 A "supreme command" was issued to send Bartenev to the Tobolsk Governorate for four years ' supervision .71 This happened several months after the above-described search of his apartment. At that time, Ekaterina Grigorievna was a member of the so - called St. Petersburg Intellectual Center of the Brusnev organization (the presence of two centers in it - the workers 'and intellectuals' - was dictated by the tactics of fighting in difficult conditions) .72 Barteneva taught classes in working circles. She had many prepared materials found during the search, including newspaper clippings reporting on the struggles of the foreign working class. These materials were also used by Viktor, who introduced the workers of the Electrotechnical Plant to the history of the revolutionary movement. Ekaterina Grigoryevna was often seen in the safe house where the cadres of propagandist workers were being trained.

Brusnev wrote: "Bebel was our ideal, and we wanted to develop future Russian figures from our working-class listeners." 73 Barteneva met A. Bebel at the Congress of the Second International, and she had a desire to acquaint Russian workers with his biography, to tell how he grew from a simple proletarian to a leader of the working people. Barteneva wanted to publish a pamphlet about Bebel and began to collect the necessary materials, resorting to the help of foreign friends. But the link prevented her from completing this work 74 .

59 Byloye, 1906, N 12, p. 109.

60 Proletarian Revolution, 1923, No. 2 (14), p. 23.

61 Past Years, 1908, N 11, p. 184.

62 TsGIA OF the USSR, f. 1405, op. 92, d. 10870, l. 33.

63 A. I. Ulyanov and the case of March 1, 1887, Moscow, 1927, p. 136.

64 Orekhov A.M. Pervye marxisty v Rossii [The First Marxists in Russia], Moscow, 1979, p. 36.

65 TsGAOR USSR, f. 102, DP, 7-e d-vo, 1893, d. 220, vol. 1, l, 56.

66 Proletarian Revolution, 1923, No. 2 (14), p. 23.

67 TsGIA USSR, f. 14P5, op. 92, d. 10870, l. 28.

68 Proletarian Revolution, 1925, No. 7 (42), pp. 72-73.

69 TsGIA OF the USSR, f. 1405, op. 91, d. 10810, l. 43.

70 TsGAOR USSR, f. 102, 3-e d-vo, 1891, 292, ll. 2-3.

71 Ibid., d. 137, ch. 1, l. 4; TsGIA SSSR, f. 1405, op. 92, d. 10928, l. 17.

72 Kazakevich R. A. Sotsial ' -demokraticheskie organizatsii kontsa 80-kh - nachala 90-kh godov [Social-democratic organizations of the late 80's-early 90's]. l. 1960, p. 97.

73 Proletarian Revolution, 1923, No. 2 (14), p. 20.

74 TsGAOR USSR. f. 102, DP. 7-e d-vo, 1889, d. 725, ll. 243ob., 273, 287.

page 90

At the turn of the 80-90s of the last century, another page of Barteneva's revolutionary biography falls-the leadership of the circle, where for the first time a part of the capital's workers united. She introduced them to the works of Marx, Chernyshevsky, and Pisarev, gave talks on atheism, and told them about meetings with leaders of the international labor movement. Those who knew Ekaterina Grigorievna noted in her character sociability, cheerfulness; she easily got along with young people, tried not to lose touch with friends. "Rarely in my life have I experienced with such intensity the feeling that there is a beautiful, noble person in our midst," wrote I. Schwartz, a figure of Hungarian social democracy, about her. The kindest reviews of people who admired her intelligence and delicacy have been preserved about her .76
Soon, the authorities expelled Barteneva from St. Petersburg and banned her from living in major Russian cities. She spent more than seven years in exile in Pskov, but even there she did not stop her public and journalistic activities, and was close to the Social Democrats-the future Iskra fighters.. I also knew those comrades who often met at the home of the well-known social activist E. G. Barteneva, who was exiled to Pskov," where "exiles and local intellectuals visited every day, as if at headquarters." 77 She did not lose contact with the St. Petersburg revolutionary underground, and in November 1898, together with her son, who had returned from exile , as police agents reported, she participated in a meeting "on the newly proposed publication of a revolutionary organ" 78, expressed her readiness to submit her memoirs for this publication, and undertook to help the editorial board in order to contact the revolutionary emigration.

Upon Ekaterina Grigorievna's return to St. Petersburg to live, the police identified her contacts with Social Democrats E. D. Stasova, M. L. Lichtenstadt, P. N. Lepeshinsky, A. M. Stopani, and I. I. Radchenko; the latter was known to the authorities as "a representative of the Iskra committee abroad." 79 Barteneva died in 1914 after a long illness. Unfortunately, at present it was not possible to find her grave in Leningrad due to the lack of archives of the burial site of the former Novoderevenskoye cemetery. These are some new facts about the life and work of one of the Russian revolutionaries.

75 Ibid., l. 280.

76 GPB, Archive of the House of Plekhanov, f. 352.

77 Novikov V. I. V. I. Lenin and Pskov Iskrovtsy, L. 1972, p. 26.

78 TsGAOR USSR, (p. 102, DP, 00, 1898, d. 825, part 2-3 "A", ll. 187 vol. -188.

79 Ibid., 8901, d. 825, ch. 10 "A", l. 49.

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